A Guerra das Rosas: Os 6 Reis Lancastrianos e Yorkistas em Ordem

A Guerra das Rosas: Os 6 Reis Lancastrianos e Yorkistas em Ordem


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Eduardo III morreu em junho de 1377, tendo sobrevivido a seu filho e herdeiro, Eduardo de Woodstock. Pelas práticas da realeza medieval, a coroa passou assim para o filho de Eduardo de Woodstock - Ricardo de 10 anos - que se tornou Ricardo II.

O reinado de Ricardo foi assolado por problemas de governar em uma minoria em um momento de grande convulsão social - particularmente causado por pressões econômicas da Peste Negra. Ricardo também foi um rei caprichoso que fez inimigos poderosos, e seu apetite por vingança terminou com ele sendo deposto por seu primo, Henrique Bolingbroke - que se tornou Henrique IV.

Os descendentes de Edward III e Philippa de Hainault.

No entanto, a usurpação de Henrique tornou a linha de realeza mais complexa, com a família Plantageneta agora em ramos cadetes concorrentes de 'Lancaster' (descendentes de John of Gaunt) e 'York' (descendentes de Edmund, duque de York, bem como Lionel, duque de Clarence). Este cenário complicado preparou o cenário para um conflito dinástico e uma guerra civil aberta entre a nobreza inglesa em meados do século XV. Aqui estão os três reis lancastrianos e os três reis yorkistas em ordem.

O que causou o período de 30 anos de violência destrutiva na Inglaterra medieval? Dan Snow narra este pequeno documentário animado sobre os eventos que levaram a 22 de maio de 1455 - a Primeira Batalha de Saint Albans.

Assista agora

Henry IV

Quando Ricardo II caiu na tirania na década de 1390, seu primo exilado Henrique de Bolingbroke, filho do duque de Lancaster, voltou à Inglaterra para reivindicar o trono. O sem filhos Ricardo foi forçado a abdicar, e o governo de Lancastrian começou em 30 de setembro de 1399.

Henrique era um cavaleiro famoso, servindo com os Cavaleiros Teutônicos em cruzadas na Lituânia e realizando uma peregrinação a Jerusalém. Henry enfrentou oposição contínua ao seu governo. Em 1400, Owain Glyndŵr declarou-se Príncipe de Gales e lançou uma rebelião prolongada.

O conde de Northumberland ficou insatisfeito em 1402, e uma trama foi tramada para dividir o reino, substituindo Henry por Edmund Mortimer, dando Gales a Glyndŵr e o norte a Northumberland.

A Batalha de Shrewsbury em 21 de julho de 1403 pôs fim à ameaça, mas Henry lutou para encontrar segurança. De 1405 em diante, sua saúde piorou, principalmente devido a um problema de pele, possivelmente hanseníase ou psoríase. Ele acabou morrendo em 20 de março de 1413 com 45 anos.

Thomas Penn fala com Dan sobre a ascensão, o apogeu e a queda da Casa de York durante a segunda metade do século XV.

Assista agora

Henry V

O segundo rei lancastriano foi Henrique V. Aos 27 anos, ele tinha uma imagem de playboy. Henry esteve na Batalha de Shrewsbury aos 16 anos. Ele foi atingido no rosto por uma flecha que deixou uma cicatriz profunda em sua bochecha. No instante em que se tornou rei, Henrique colocou de lado os companheiros de seu estilo de vida principesco turbulento em favor da piedade e do dever.

Ciente de que poderia enfrentar as mesmas ameaças que seu pai, Henrique organizou uma invasão da França para unir o reino por trás dele. Embora ele expusesse a conspiração de Southampton enquanto se preparava para partir, outro esforço para colocar Edmund Mortimer no trono, seu plano funcionou.

Uma causa comum e a chance de glória e riquezas distraíram aqueles que questionaram seu governo. Na Batalha de Agincourt em 25 de outubro de 1415, Henrique usou uma coroa no topo de seu elmo, e a vitória inesperada contra um número esmagador de selou sua posição como rei, aprovada por Deus.

Em 1420, Henrique assinou o Tratado de Troyes, que o reconheceu como regente da França, herdeiro do trono de Carlos VI, e o viu casado com uma das filhas de Carlos. Ele morreu em campanha em 31 de agosto de 1422 de disenteria aos 35 anos, poucas semanas antes de Charles falecer. Sua morte selou sua reputação no auge de seus poderes.

Rei Henrique V

Henry VI

O rei Henrique VI tinha 9 meses quando seu pai morreu. Ele é o monarca mais jovem da história inglesa e britânica e, em poucas semanas, tornou-se rei da França com a morte de seu avô Carlos VI. Crianças reis nunca foram uma coisa boa, e a Inglaterra enfrentou um longo governo de minoria.

Henrique foi coroado na Abadia de Westminster em 6 de novembro de 1429 aos 7 anos e em Paris em 16 de dezembro de 1431, logo após seu 10º aniversário. Ele é o único monarca a ser coroado em ambos os países, mas facções se desenvolveram e destruíram a Inglaterra, algumas favorecendo a guerra e outras defendendo seu fim.

Henry cresceu e se tornou um homem que ansiava pela paz. Quando ele se casou com Margarida de Anjou, uma sobrinha da Rainha da França, ela não só não trouxe dote, mas Henrique deu grandes partes de seus territórios franceses a Carlos VII, que também havia sido coroado Rei da França.

As fissuras nos reinos de Henrique aumentaram até o início da Guerra das Rosas. Henrique foi deposto pela facção Yorkista e, embora tenha sido restaurado brevemente em 1470, ele perdeu a coroa novamente no ano seguinte e foi morto na Torre de Londres em 21 de maio de 1471, aos 49 anos.

Lauren Johnson fala com Dan sobre o fascinante reinado de Henrique VI.

Ouça agora

Edward IV

Em 30 de dezembro de 1460, Eduardo, filho de Ricardo, duque de York, foi proclamado rei no lugar de Henrique VI. Eduardo tinha 18 anos, com 1,98 m, o monarca mais alto da história inglesa ou britânica, carismático, mas propenso a excessos. Em 1464, ele anunciou que havia se casado em segredo com uma viúva lancastriana.

A união ultrajou a nobreza, que planejava um casamento com uma princesa estrangeira, e com o passar da década ele desentendeu-se com seu primo Ricardo, conde de Warwick, que é lembrado como o criador de reis. O irmão de Eduardo, George, juntou-se à rebelião e, em 1470, Eduardo foi expulso da Inglaterra para o exílio na Borgonha.

Henrique VI foi restaurado quando Warwick assumiu as rédeas do governo, mas Eduardo voltou com seu irmão mais novo, Ricardo, em 1471. Warwick foi derrotado e morto na Batalha de Barnet, e o único filho de Henrique morreu na subsequente Batalha de Tewkesbury.

Henry foi morto quando Edward voltou a Londres, e a coroa Yorkista parecia segura. A morte inesperada de Edward por doença em 9 de abril de 1483, aos 40 anos, levou a um dos anos mais controversos da história da Inglaterra.

Detalhe da inicial historiada de Edward IV. Crédito da imagem: British Library / CC

Edward V

O filho mais velho de Eduardo foi proclamado rei Eduardo V. A morte prematura de seu pai, quando seu herdeiro tinha apenas 12 anos, levantou o espectro de um governo minoritário novamente em um momento em que a França estava renovando a agressão contra a Inglaterra. Edward foi criado em sua própria casa em Ludlow desde os 2 anos de idade, sob os cuidados da família de sua mãe.

Eduardo IV nomeou seu irmão Ricardo para atuar como regente de seu filho, mas a família da rainha tentou contornar isso fazendo com que Eduardo V fosse coroado imediatamente. Richard mandou prender alguns deles para o norte, executando-os mais tarde.

Em Londres, Richard foi reconhecido como Protetor, mas causou incerteza quando fez com que o amigo mais próximo de Eduardo IV, William, Lord Hastings, fosse decapitado sob a acusação de traição.

Surgiu a história de que Eduardo IV já havia se casado quando se casou com Elizabeth Woodville. O pré-contrato tornava seu casamento bígamo e os filhos da união ilegítimos e incapazes de herdar o trono.

Eduardo V e seu irmão Ricardo foram postos de lado, e seu tio recebeu a coroa como Ricardo III. Lembrados como os Príncipes da Torre, o destino final dos meninos continua a ser objeto de debate.

Os Príncipes na Torre, de Samuel Cousins.

Ricardo III

Ricardo, duque de Gloucester, subiu ao trono como Rei Ricardo III em 26 de junho de 1483. Ele se distanciou do reinado de seu irmão, lançando um ataque contundente contra sua corrupção.

Uma combinação disso, suas políticas impopulares para reformar o reino, a incerteza em torno de seus sobrinhos e os esforços para promover a causa do exilado Henry Tudor causaram problemas desde o início de seu reinado. Em outubro de 1483, houve uma rebelião no sul.

O rebelde mais antigo era Henry Stafford, duque de Buckingham, que estava à direita de Ricardo desde a morte de Eduardo IV. A briga pode ter girado em torno dos Príncipes na Torre - Richard ou Buckingham os assassinaram, ultrajando o outro.

A rebelião foi esmagada, mas Henry Tudor permaneceu foragido na Bretanha. Em 1484, o parlamento de Richard aprovou um conjunto de leis que foram elogiadas por sua qualidade e justiça, mas aconteceu uma tragédia pessoal.

Seu único filho legítimo morreu em 1484 e, nos primeiros meses de 1485, sua esposa também faleceu. Henry Tudor invadiu em agosto de 1485, e Richard foi morto lutando bravamente na Batalha de Bosworth em 22 de agosto. O último rei da Inglaterra a morrer em batalha, sua reputação foi prejudicada durante a era Tudor que se seguiu.

Desde o início nobre de Richard até sua morte no campo de batalha em Bosworth, Michael Hicks separa o fato da ficção sobre o último rei Plantageneta.

Assista agora

A Guerra das Rosas (1455-1485)

Causas dos problemas no reinado de Henrique VI., A rebelião de 1450 reclamações dos rebeldes.

A reivindicação Yorkist para o propósito do trono do Duque de York no início da luta Seu principal apoiador, o verdadeiro chefe do partido de Lancastrian porque ela resistiu aos Yorkists tão ferozmente.

A primeira batalha na guerra, como a guerra foi renovada, a vantagem ganha pelos Yorkists nas aventuras de Northampton de vitória da Rainha Margaret dos Lancastrians em Wakefield destino do Duque de York, os Lancastrians recuperam a posse de Henrique VI. eles recuam para o norte Edward IV. Rei coroado.

Edward IV. ganha posse do reino Henrique VI. disputa capturada e presa entre Eduardo IV. e Warwick Warwick foge, muda de lado, ele retorna à Inglaterra e expulsa Eduardo IV.

Edward recupera a morte do trono de Warwick Margaret derrotou seu filho e matou Henry VI. colocar à morte o destino do irmão de Edward, Clarence.

Como Ricardo III conseguiu o destino do trono dos dois pequenos Príncipes Ricardo deposto por Henry Tudor em Bosworth, efeitos da Guerra das Rosas

Henry VI. foi um dos reis mais infelizes que já sentou em um trono. Ele era verdadeiro, correto e justo e desejava agradar a todos. Mas ele não tinha força de espírito nem de corpo para governar um reino e, por longos períodos, ficou realmente louco.

Em 1450, o mau governo de seus ministros levou a uma rebelião, no sudeste da Inglaterra, sob o comando de Jack Cade. Os rebeldes proclamaram que "o falso conselho do rei perdeu sua lei, sua mercadoria está perdida França está perdida, o próprio rei está tão determinado que não pode pagar por sua comida ou bebida, e ele deve mais do que qualquer rei da Inglaterra devia". A rebelião foi facilmente reprimida, mas levou o duque de York a se colocar à frente da oposição, e então começou uma luta que logo se transformou em uma guerra pela própria coroa.

Para entender essa disputa entre as casas de York e Lancaster, você precisará olhar a tabela da página 141 e ver como cada casa descendia do rei Eduardo III. Henrique VI, o chefe da casa de Lancaster, representou a terceira linha de descendência, enquanto Ricardo de York era descendente do segundo filho de Eduardo, Lionel, por meio de sua mãe, bem como do quarto filho, por meio de seu pai. Se regras estritas de sucessão fossem consideradas, Ricardo de York tinha mais direitos ao trono do que o rei Henrique VI. Mas as reivindicações da linha de Lionel haviam sido ignoradas em 1399 e, desde então, desconsideradas, e foi apenas o fracasso miserável da guerra francesa e o desgoverno interno que permitiram aos yorkistas ganhar qualquer atenção para suas reivindicações.

No início, o objetivo de York era meramente tirar o governo de pessoas incapazes e assegurá-lo para si mesmo, mas mais tarde ele reivindicou o próprio trono. Seu apoiador mais hábil foi o conde de Warwick, que desempenhou um papel tão importante que é chamado de "o criador do rei". Do lado lancastriano, a verdadeira cabeça do partido era a rainha Margaret, uma jovem e bela francesa, que resistiu ferozmente a todas as tentativas de deserdar seu filho, o príncipe Eduardo. Em ambos os lados, os seguidores dos diferentes senhores se distinguiam pelos emblemas que usavam & # 8212 - o cisne, o urso e o cajado, o cervo ou cervo branco e semelhantes. Mas os Lancastrianos consideravam a Rosa Vermelha como seu emblema, e todos os Yorkistas consideravam a Rosa Branca da mesma forma. As guerras, que perturbaram a Inglaterra por trinta anos, são conhecidas como as "Guerras das Rosas".

A primeira batalha nesta luta foi travada em 1455, em St. Albans, onde York derrotou seus inimigos e por um tempo garantiu o controle do governo. Quatro anos depois, no entanto, a rainha Margaret atacou os Yorkistas com forças superiores e York foi obrigado a fugir para a Irlanda, enquanto seu filho Eduardo e Warwick fugiram para Calais, na França. Em um Parlamento que foi eleito injustamente, a Rainha Margaret então fez com que York e seus amigos fossem "atingidos" por traição & # 8212, isto é, eles foram feitos fora da lei e suas vidas e bens declarados confiscados.

No ano seguinte, York voltou da Irlanda, e seu filho e Warwick de Calais. Warwick encontrou o exército do rei fortificado em um prado perto de Northampton. Mas uma forte chuva inundou a campina e tornou seus canhões inúteis, enquanto algumas das forças de Lancastrian desertaram, então Warwick obteve uma vitória fácil. O rei Henrique foi capturado e levado para Londres e dizem que a cidade "deu a Deus um grande louvor e agradecimento" pela vitória. Um novo Parlamento então revogou os "conquistadores" do ano anterior e decidiu que o rei Henrique deveria manter a coroa enquanto vivesse, mas que, após sua morte, deveria ir para o duque de York e seus descendentes.

Após a batalha de Northampton, a rainha Margaret e o pequeno príncipe de seis anos corriam grande perigo. Eles caíram nas mãos de alguns Yorkistas, e foram roubados de seus bens e insultados e ameaçados. Mas um escudeiro de quatorze anos teve pena deles, e enquanto seus captores discutiam sobre o saque, ele disse:

"Senhora, monte você atrás de mim, e meu senhor o Príncipe antes de mim, e eu irei salvá-la ou morrer."

Então eles escaparam, todos os três montados em um cavalo.

Em outra época, a Rainha e seu filho pequeno se refugiaram na madeira, onde foram encontrados por um bandido de aparência feroz e terrível. Mas a Rainha contou a sua posição e, colocando seu filho nas mãos do ladrão, disse: "Salve o filho do seu Rei!"

O homem mostrou-se fiel e, por fim, a rainha e o pequeno príncipe encontraram amigos e segurança.

Ricardo de York não ficou muito feliz com sua vitória sobre seus oponentes. No último dia de dezembro de 1460, outra batalha foi travada em Wakefield, no norte da Inglaterra. York foi capturado por seus inimigos "como um peixe na rede" e caiu lutando na cabeça de seus homens. A prática cruel, que Warwick havia introduzido, de matar os líderes do outro partido, foi seguida pelos Lancastrianos, e muitos dos principais Yorkistas foram massacrados. A cabeça ensanguentada do duque de York foi colocada sobre o portão de uma cidade próxima e foi coroada zombeteiramente com uma coroa de papel.

Com um grande exército de nortistas rudes, Margaret avançou para o sul. Eles vieram, diz um cronista, "roubando todo o país e povo, e estragando abadias e casas de religião e igrejas e eles levaram taças de comunhão, livros e outros ornamentos, como se fossem pagãos e não homens cristãos." Eles derrotaram novamente os Yorkistas e resgataram o rei cativo, para sua grande alegria. Mas os cidadãos de Londres se declararam contra eles, e o exército de Margaret logo recuou para o norte, ainda saqueando enquanto avançavam.

Enquanto isso, o filho mais velho de York, agora com dezenove anos, lutou para ir do País de Gales a Londres e se juntou a Warwick. "E lá", diz um cronista, "ele tomou sobre si a coroa da Inglaterra, por conselho dos Senhores espirituais e temporais e pela eleição dos Comuns." Ele foi coroado como Eduardo IV. & # 8212o primeiro dos Reis Yorkistas.

O novo rei era alto, forte e bonito; era um general muito melhor do que Warwick, mas não tão bom estadista. Sua primeira tarefa foi perseguir o exército da Rainha Margaret, que ele alcançou em Towton, não muito longe de Wakefield.

Quando a batalha começou, uma tempestade de neve se instalou, cegando tanto os Lancastrianos que eles dispararam todas as suas flechas antes que os Yorkistas estivessem dentro do alcance. Então os homens de Eduardo avançaram com espadas, machados de batalha, adagas e martelos de chumbo mortais, que nem mesmo elmos de ferro podiam suportar. Ambos os lados lutaram desesperadamente e nenhum prisioneiro foi feito. No final, a vitória foi conquistada pelo Rei Edward. O rei Henrique e sua rainha fugiram para a Escócia, mas quatro anos depois o pobre rei destronado foi capturado e novamente preso na Torre. Edward IV. foi agora reconhecido por potências estrangeiras como governante da Inglaterra.

Armadura de Placas do Século XV

Logo surgiram disputas entre o novo rei e o homem que o tornara rei. Warwick era ávido por riqueza, influência e poder. Ele manteve tantos seguidores que "quando ele veio para Londres, ele tinha uma casa em que seis bois eram comidos no café da manhã, e cada taverna estava cheia de sua carne, pois quem tivesse algum conhecido naquela casa deveria ter fervido e assado como ele carregaria uma longa adaga. " Edward ofendeu Warwick ao se casar secretamente abaixo de sua posição. Então, para construir um partido contra Warwick, Edward enobreceu e promoveu os parentes de sua esposa. Warwick conquistou para seu lado o irmão fraco de Eduardo, o duque de Clarence. Além de tudo o mais, o rei Eduardo e Warwick divergiam sobre a política externa, pois Warwick sabiamente desejava que a Inglaterra permanecesse em paz com a França, enquanto Eduardo desejava renovar a guerra francesa.

Por fim, em 1470, os amigos de Warwick se rebelaram e foram derrotados em uma batalha, para a qual fugiram tão apressadamente que foi chamada de "Campo de Casaco de Perda". Warwick e Clarence se refugiaram na corte do rei da França, onde encontraram a rainha Margaret e seu filho. O rei francês fez com que esses antigos inimigos se tornassem amigos e, em setembro de 1470, Warwick retornou à Inglaterra, com um exército, para tirar Eduardo do trono e restaurar a linha lancastriana.

Por algum tempo, tudo correu bem com Warwick. As tropas de Eduardo o abandonaram e ele foi forçado a fugir para Flandres.

Henry VI. foi então recolocado no trono, e "todos os seus bons amantes ficaram contentes, e a maior parte do povo".

Mas em março de 1471, Edward voltou, e seu irmão, o duque de Clarence, juntou-se a ele. Em Barnet, alguns quilômetros ao norte de Londres, a batalha foi travada. Edward foi completamente bem-sucedido e Warwick foi morto ao deixar o campo.

No mesmo dia da batalha de Barnet, a rainha Margaret e seu filho desembarcaram no oeste da Inglaterra e logo estavam à frente de um exército considerável. Algumas semanas depois, as forças da Rainha encontraram as forças Yorkistas em Tewkesbury. Lá o rei Eduardo lutou e venceu a última batalha necessária para garantir sua posse da coroa. O príncipe lancastriano, que se tornara um belo jovem de dezoito anos, foi capturado após a batalha e cruelmente executado. A rainha Margaret teve permissão para retornar à França, onde morreu alguns anos depois. Quanto ao pobre Henrique VI, que desempenhou um papel tão fraco em todas essas lutas, foi assassinado na Torre no mesmo dia em que o rei Eduardo voltou a Londres.

Enquanto o rei Eduardo viveu, não houve renovação da guerra. Os cidadãos e as pessoas comuns ficavam contentes por ter paz a qualquer preço e se submetiam de bom grado ao forte governo do rei. Os nobres ficaram tão enfraquecidos pelas guerras que não conseguiram resistir. Para acabar com os problemas dentro de sua própria família, o rei acusou seu irmão & # 8212 de "falso, fugaz e perjúrio Clarence" & # 8212 com traição, e o condenou à morte.

Esse rei duro, inescrupuloso e amante do prazer morreu em 1483, deixando dois filhos, Eduardo e Ricardo, um de doze anos e o outro dez. O mais velho deles foi imediatamente proclamado rei, como Eduardo V. e seu tio, Ricardo de Gloucester, tornaram-se "Protetor", ou governante em nome do jovem rei.

Gloucester era um monstro de astúcia e crueldade e começou a trabalhar para roubar a coroa de seu sobrinho.

Ele prendeu e executou os principais apoiadores do jovem rei. Então ele anunciou que ele foi o verdadeiro herdeiro do trono, e passou a reinar em seu próprio nome. Os pequenos príncipes foram encerrados na Torre de Londres e logo desapareceram & # 8212 assassinados por ordens de seu tio cruel. Desse modo, começou o breve reinado de Ricardo III, o último dos reis Yorkistas, que o poeta Shakespeare representa com as costas tortas, para combinar com sua mente cruel e tortuosa.

Mas a punição seguiu rapidamente sobre este rei perverso. Os antigos Yorkistas juntaram-se ao que restava do partido Lancastriano, e logo uma grande conspiração estava a pé. Eles planejavam fazer Henrique Tudor (um parente distante de Henrique VI). Rei e casá-lo com Elizabeth de York, filha de Eduardo IV.

A primeira expedição de Henrique da França falhou por causa de tempestades e inundações, mas uma segunda expedição, em 1485, trouxe-o em segurança para o País de Gales.

No campo de Bosworth ele foi recebido pelo Rei Ricardo, e lá travou-se a última batalha da Guerra das Rosas. A Rosa Vermelha de Lancaster triunfou sobre a Rosa Branca de York. Os principais oficiais de Richard o abandonaram e ele morreu lutando na frente da batalha. Sua coroa foi retirada do campo e colocada sobre a cabeça de Henrique Tudor, que foi proclamado rei como Henrique VII. Seguiu-se o casamento com Elizabeth de York e a sábia política de Henrique VII. uniu os interesses de Lancaster e York na casa de Tudor.

A longa batalha pela coroa finalmente terminou. A velha nobreza havia sofrido gravemente com as mortes no campo e no quarteirão e com o confisco de propriedades, e nunca mais seu poder ameaçou seriamente a paz da Inglaterra. O povo comum, entretanto, havia sofrido pouco na luta, e uma nova era de paz e prosperidade amanheceu para a Inglaterra. Outras forças também vinham mudando há algum tempo os modos de vida e de pensamento na Europa. Com o fim da Guerra das Rosas, podemos reconhecer o fim completo da Idade Média na Inglaterra e o estabelecimento do "Renascimento", que dá início à História Moderna.


As fronteiras do norte durante a Guerra das Rosas - uma visão geral de 1461-64

Em março de 1461, Eduardo de York venceu a Batalha de Towton e tornou-se Eduardo IV da Inglaterra e País de Gales. Os grandes condes do norte de Northumberland e Westmorland morreram durante a batalha, assim como muitos outros homens das marchas do norte, incluindo Lord Dacre do Castelo de Naworth, cujo título e terras foram herdados por seu irmão & # 8211 embora por tempo limitado porque ele também lutou em Towton do lado perdedor.

Enquanto isso, Henrique VI e Margarida de Anjou, vendo para onde soprava o vento, fugiram para a Escócia entregando Berwick-upon-Tweed aos escoceses em 25 de abril de 1461, o que ajudou bastante a causa lancastriana na Escócia, assim como o fato de Margarida de Anjou ter progredido notoriamente bem com a rainha viúva da Escócia, Maria de Guelders. Por um tempo, foi proposto um casamento entre o príncipe Eduardo da Inglaterra (filho de Henrique e Margaret & # 8217) e Maria, a irmã mais velha do jovem Jaime III, que tinha oito anos na época em que Margarida de Anjou chegou pela primeira vez à Escócia.

Enquanto isso, Eduardo IV marchou até Newcastle, onde o conde de Wiltshire (Sir James Butler) foi executado em 1 de maio. A jornada de H Edward & # 8217 de volta ao sul deixou vários grandes castelos nas mãos de Lancastrian. Ele deixou as fronteiras aos cuidados do conde de Warwick. Warwick também recebeu o poder de negociar com os escoceses, que enviaram embaixadores para falar com o novo rei inglês, sendo claramente de opinião que era uma boa ideia restringir suas apostas. Eduardo encarregou Sir Robert Ogle das marchas orientais para trabalhar em uma trégua com a Escócia. De maneira bastante confusa, e sem surpresa, outro ramo da família era firmemente lancastriano em sua simpatia. Ele também começou a negociar um tratado com o Senhor das Ilhas, que se tornou vassalo de Eduardo com uma pensão, assim como vários de seus comparsas, e permissão para controlar o máximo possível das partes do norte da Escócia que pudesse. O conde de Douglas também recebia uma pensão de Eduardo, sugerindo que Eduardo sentia que se os escoceses estivessem ocupados lutando entre si, não estariam lutando contra ele.

Enquanto isso, Margarida de Anjou foi à França para levantar o apoio de Luís XI a fim de reconquistar o reino de seu marido. Ele não estava realmente interessado, mas deu a ela um pequeno corpo de homens e um nobre chamado Breze para ser seu general. Breze, que não era muito popular com o novo rei da França. Na verdade, ele foi libertado da prisão para comandar a pequena força que partiu para Northumberland. Ele assumiu o controle do castelo em Alnwick, onde ele e seus quinhentos homens foram sitiados por Lord Hastings, Sir Ralph Gray e Sir John Howard.

Eles, por sua vez, foram incomodados por George Douglas, conde de Angus que havia recebido concessões de terras de Henry e Margaret durante seu tempo na corte escocesa. Angus era um guarda da fronteira escocês, então foi capaz de reunir um corpo de homens para cavalgar para o resgate de Breze & # 8217 em julho. Breze e Angus voltaram para a Escócia. Ridpath afirma que a razão pela qual Breze foi capaz de sair do portão posterior de Alnwick sem nenhum problema foi que havia um acordo entre os escoceses e o exército sitiante Yorkista.

Margaret de Anjou chegou a Northumberland em outubro. O Norte não se ergueu, mas Alnwick tornou-se lancastriano mais uma vez. Isso ocorreu porque Sir Ralph Gray mudou de idéia depois de passar um tempo como governador yorkista do castelo ou porque não havia comida suficiente para resistir ao cerco.

Eduardo IV marchou para o norte com um exército novamente.

Margaret fugiu para a Escócia. Esta descrição está começando a parecer um jogo de cobras e escadas em grande escala para a pobre Margaret. Ela foi para o norte por mar, levando Breze com ela. A sorte não estava do seu lado. Uma tempestade explodiu dispersando as embarcações de Lancastrian. Margaret terminou em Berwick enquanto Breze afundou na Ilha Sagrada. Seus barcos foram, literalmente, queimados. De quatrocentos a quinhentos de seus homens foram mortos ou capturados nas mãos de John Manors ou do nome bastante descritivo, Bastard Ogle, sobre os quais preciso encontrar mais informações. Breze conseguiu chamar um barco de pesca e fugir para Berwick, onde se juntou a Margaret.

Edward e seu exército chegaram a Durham, onde Edward prontamente pegou sarampo. Warwick assumiu o comando do exército, mas como agora não havia nenhuma força Lancastriana no campo, ele sitiou Alnwick, Bamburgh e Dunstanburgh, que estavam nas mãos dos Lancastrianos desde 1461. Bamburgh rendeu-se na véspera de Natal de 1462. Os outros dois estavam em Yorkist mãos até o ano novo.

É importante notar que um dos Yorkistas que sitiavam os Lancastrianos era um certo Sir Thomas Malory que havia feito uma quantidade considerável de mingau durante o reinado de Henrique VI & # 8217 por violações da paz. Ele escreveria o Morte d & # 8217Arthur durante outra passagem pela prisão.

O duque de Somerset e Sir Ralph Percy foram ambos perdoados por Eduardo IV em uma tentativa de pôr fim às velhas animosidades. Outros lancastrianos não tiveram a mesma generosidade. O conde de Pembroke e Lord Roos escaparam ou foram escoltados de volta à Escócia, dependendo de qual relato você leu. O conde de Pembroke a.k.a Jasper Tudor supostamente reuniu uma força para desembarcar em Beaumaris, Anglesey em 1462, tendo tentado reunir apoio na Irlanda no início do ano, mas não conseguiu. Em vez disso, o & # 8216Plan B & # 8217 envolveu sua participação no conflito no norte da Inglaterra, viajando através da Bretanha e da Escócia, enquanto os três castelos de Lancastrian mencionados acima estavam sendo sitiados. Seu trabalho era levantar os cercos. Os Yorkistas tinham mais homens do que ele, então ele foi forçado a ocupar um lugar dentro do Castelo de Bamburgh.

Enquanto isso, no início do ano, do outro lado do país, Margaret de Anjou, ligeiramente frustrada, mas não desanimada, havia voltado sua atenção para a Marcha Ocidental. Ela, um grupo de lancastrianos e alguns escoceses superotimistas chegaram aos arredores de Carlisle em junho de 1462. Margaret dissera aos escoceses que, se pudessem pegar Carlisle, poderiam ficar com ele. Houve o cerco inevitável e um incêndio que queimou os subúrbios que não conquistou amigos para a causa lancastriana na cidade. John Neville, Lord Montagu (irmão mais novo de Warwick & # 8217s) chegou no final do mesmo mês e levantou o cerco em julho.

Humphrey Dacre, cujo irmão mais velho havia sido morto em Towton e com quem Neville era parente por meio da mãe de Dacre, foi agora obrigado a entregar o castelo Naworth perto de Brampton para os Yorkistas, tendo sido conquistado por seu próprio papel na luta contra os Yorkistas em Towton.

1463 viu Margaret sofrer outro desastre na retaguarda quando encontrou as forças Yorkistas de Neville & # 8217 perto de Hexham. Ela e o Príncipe Edward & # 8220 com a ajuda de um ladrão generoso & # 8221 (Ridpath: 295) alcançaram a costa e a segurança. Foi dito que Margaret fugiu com apenas seu filho e um único escudeiro para Dipton Wood, onde o fora-da-lei provavelmente com a intenção de fazer travessuras foi devidamente inspirado a fornecer assistência e se esconder em uma caverna. Sadler, que não confia na história da Caverna & # 8216Queen & # 8217s & # 8217 e observa que Margaret confiava tanto neste homem que deixou o Príncipe Edward aos cuidados do homem & # 8217 enquanto tentava localizar seu marido. Ele cita para Chastellain, cujo relato veio da própria Margaret. Ela foi transferida para o litoral e de lá embarcou para o continente para pedir mais dinheiro para tentar novamente.

Na primavera de 1464, tudo estava acabado para os lancastrianos, no que se referia a uma aliança escocesa. Margaret não tinha mais a orelha da rainha viúva que morrera em 1463. Os escoceses preferiam fazer uma trégua com Eduardo IV. É importante notar que Edward não estava governando um reino pacífico, condados em todo o país estavam em pé de guerra.

Margaret de Anjou, por outro lado, não aceitou um não como resposta e foi capaz de fazer uma confusão com a promessa de saque. Ela entrou em Northumberland junto com seu marido e filho, embora as contas nem sempre concordem se Henry estava com ela ou se esteve em Northumberland o tempo todo. Mais uma vez, Sir Ralph Grey, que parece ter mudado de lado com mais frequência do que mudou seu gibão e meia, estava disponível para tomar Alnwick por Margaret e mais uma vez o duque de Somerset e Sir Ralph Percy que & # 8217d foi perdoado por Eduardo IV em o recebimento de quantidades consideráveis ​​de dosh mudou de lado, voltando ao tinto Lancastriano original. Não parecia bom para os Yorkistas.

Sir John Neville (o irmão mais novo do conde de Warwick e # 8217) entrou na brecha. Ele não estava terrivelmente divertido em qualquer caso. Ele foi enviado ao norte para escoltar Jaime III da Escócia a York para assinar um tratado de paz com Eduardo. No caminho, ele encontrou o conde de Somerset perto de Alnwick em Hedgely Moor em 21 de abril de 1464. As forças de Somerset e # 8217 bloquearam a estrada. Houve os socos usuais. Sir Ralph Percy se viu cercado e foi morto. Três semanas depois, em 15 de maio, Sir John confrontou Somerset em Hexham. Somerset e Lord Roos foram capturados. Os dois homens foram levados para Newcastle, onde foram executados, assim como outros lancastrianos.

Back at Bamburgh, Sir Ralph Gray perhaps realising that another change of side wasn’t really an option attempted to hold out until he realised it would avail him little and attempted to negotiate surrender. He was executed at Doncaster.

Sir John Neville, Lord Montagu received his reward in York where the English and the Scots finally signed their peace treaty. Montagu became the earl of Northumberland which perhaps did not take into account the loyalty of the men of the east marches to their ancestral overlord.

Meanwhile Henry VI who’d sought shelter at Bywell Castle escaped into the hills where he remained for a considerable time sheltered by loyal Lancastrians until he was captured and taken to London.

I must admit to being interested in Jasper Tudor’s peregrinations in the north of England. The details of his route to and from Scotland are sketchy other than for his presence in the East March. I am also intrigued by the sides taken by the various border families, although I suspect as with the battles between England and Scotland, men such as the Grahams were Yorkist when they wished and Lancastrian at other times but on all occasions men who looked after their own cares first.

Breverton, Terry. (2014) Jasper Tudor: Dynasty Maker. Stroud: Amberley

Ridpath, George. (1970). Border History. Edinburgh: The Mercat Press


The Name of the Rose

The romantic name for the dynastic conflicts which troubled 15th-century CE England, the ‘Wars of the Roses’, was first coined by the novelist Sir Walter Scott (1771-1832 CE) after the later badges of the two main families involved (neither of which were actually the favoured liveries at the time): a white rose for York and a red rose for Lancaster. The division was a little more complex than merely these two families as each one garnered allies amongst England’s other noble families, thus creating two broad groups: the Lancastrians and the Yorkists. Allies of either side were also liable to switch allegiances over the course of the conflict depending on favours, deaths, and opportunities. Another problem with the name is the fact that the dynastic conflicts were not wars but a series of intermittent battles, skirmishes, a few minor sieges, executions, and murder plots. It is very doubtful that the people living in 15th-century CE England ever considered themselves a part of a cohesive set of historical events we now put together under the handy label Wars of the Roses.


A Guerra das Rosas

Assuntos
Places
Times

Work Description

Lancaster and York. For much of the fifteenth century, these two families were locked in battle for control of the British monarchy. Kings were murdered and deposed. Armies marched on London. Old noble names were ruined while rising dynasties seized power and lands. The war between the royal House of Lancaster and York, the longest and most complex in British history, profoundly altered the course of the monarchy. In The Wars of the Roses, Alison Weir reconstructs this conflict with the same dramatic flair and impeccable research that she brought to her highly praised The Princes in the Tower.

The first battle erupted in 1455, but the roots of the conflict reached back to the dawn of the fifteenth century, when the corrupt, hedonistic Richard II was sadistically murdered, and Henry IV, the first Lancastrian king, seized England's throne. Both Henry IV and his son, the cold warrior Henry V, ruled England ably, if not always wisely--but Henry VI proved a disaster, both for his dynasty and his kingdom. Only nine months old when his father's sudden death made him king, Henry VI became a tormented and pathetic figure, weak, sexually inept, and prey to fits of insanity. The factional fighting that plagued his reign escalated into bloody war when Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, laid claim to the throne that was rightfully his--and backed up his claim with armed might.

Alison Weir brings brilliantly to life both the war itself and the historic figures who fought it on the great stage of England. Here are the queens who changed history through their actions--the chic, unconventional Katherine of Valois, Henry V's queen the ruthless, social-climbing Elizabeth Wydville and, most crucially, Margaret of Anjou, a far tougher and more powerful character than her husband,, Henry VI, and a central figure in the Wars of the Roses.

Here, too, are the nobles who carried the conflict down through the generations--the Beauforts, the bastard descendants of John of Gaunt, Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, known to his contemporaries as "the Kingmaker" and the Yorkist King, Edward IV, a ruthless charmer who pledged his life to cause the downfall of the House of Lancaster.

The Wars of the Roses is history at its very best--swift and compelling, rich in character, pageantry, and drama, and vivid in its re-creation of an astonishing, dangerous, and often grim period of history. Alison Weir, one of the foremost authorities on the British royal family, demonstrates here that she is also one of the most dazzling stylists writing history today.

Excerpts

From School Library Journal
This book reaffirms Weir's mastery of English history. Like The Six Wives of Henry VIII and The Princes in the Tower (both Ballantine, 1993), the narrative begins with a short history of the House of Plantaganet, more specifically the disastrous rule of Richard II, sowing the seeds of the conflict, and ends with the Battle of Tewkesbury and the murder of King Henry VI. The author weaves the story of the magnate families involved in the politics and rivalries of the era, and makes it understandable, interesting, and readable. Included are the simplified genealogical tables of the families involved . Any student of English history will appreciate the ease with which the period is unveiled and the detailed information on the people and places of England from 1399 to 1500.?Debbie Hyman, R. E. Lee High School, Springfield, VA
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc.


INTRODUÇÃO

During the last years of the fifteenth century, on a morning in late summer, a small man stood alone by himself in a meadow in the English Midlands. His horse had become bogged down in some marshy ground so that he had been forced to dismount. All around him lay his dead or dying supporters, while others could be seen fleeing for their lives. In steel from head to foot, with a jewelled coronet on his helmet, he grasped a steel-handled battle-hammer. Although his sharp face was hidden by the helmet, he could nonetheless be heard shouting &lsquoTreason! Treason!&rsquo, over and over again. A growing mob of enemy soldiers was running towards him but, declining to mount a horse brought by a last faithful squire, he refused to leave the battlefield and waited grimly. He meant to fight to the death. Rank-and-file, men-at-arms, billmen or bowmen, they swarmed about him like so many hounds with a fox. Swinging that murderous little hammer to the very end, still screaming &lsquoTreason!&rsquo, finally he was mortally wounded by a Welshman&rsquos halberd and went down into the mud. 1 They ripped off the dead man&rsquos armour and felt under-clothing, kicking the body as it rolled in the dirt. At last his corpse, naked as the day he was born, smeared with mud and blood, a halter tied round its neck, was slung over a horse behind his pursuivant Blanc Sanglier, who was made to carry his banner of the White Boar in derision. When the two rode into Leicester, his dangling head smashed into a stone bridge, bruising the face still further. As he passed, men yelled insults and curses at what was left of Richard III.

According to tradition, Reginald Bray, an official in the household of Henry Tudor&rsquos mother, found the dead monarch&rsquos coronet in a hawthorn bush and at once took it to Lord Stanley, Henry&rsquos stepfather. Stanley, who had betrayed Richard by taking his troops over to the other side, placed the diadem on his stepson&rsquos head, shouting &lsquoKing Henry! King Henry!&rsquo, a cry which was taken up joyfully by everyone present.

The Tudor Age had begun. In retrospect, the Battle of Bosworth would be seen as decisive, settling the fate of the English crown. It was almost &ndash though not quite &ndash the end of those thirty years of bloodshed known to history as &lsquoThe Wars of the Roses&rsquo.

The Wars of the Roses, that amazing fifteenth-century blood-bath in which partisans of the rival dynasties of York and Lancaster slaughtered each other for over three decades, are part of the English National Myth. However, they do not fill so honoured a place in it as the Hundred Years&rsquo War, when Englishmen fought Frenchmen at Crécy and Agincourt. Battles that cost the lives of so many fellow countrymen are as much cause for mourning as rejoicing. Some historians claim that the Wars of the Roses cannot stir the imagination like the Civil Wars of the seventeenth century between Royalists and Parliamentarians. Yet they certainly stirred Shakespeare&rsquos, prompting him to write his plays Henry VI e Ricardo III. Admittedly, visits to the National Theatre may not leave anyone much wiser about what really took place, since the Bard turned the conflict into a single bloodstained drama.

Plenty of academic ink has been spilt on showing that no contemporary would have recognized the term &lsquoWars of the Roses&rsquo. If York bore a white rose among its badges, and was sometimes styled the &lsquoHouse of the White Rose&rsquo, a red rose was never used by Lancaster. Only under Henry VII did the red rose become the Lancastrian badge, retrospectively to facilitate the pretty conceit of the Tudor Rose &ndash part red, part white, symbolizing the merciful union between the two dynasties which had brought peace to a distracted land. Nor do we know when the term came into fashion. David Hume is sometimes said to have been the first to use it, in his História da inglaterra (1762), though his actual words are &lsquothe quarrel between the two roses&rsquo. It has also been suggested that Sir Walter Scott coined it, in his novel Anne of Geierstein (1829), but in fact he refers to &lsquothe wars of the White and Red Roses&rsquo.

Nevertheless, although the term would not be immediately recognizable to men and women who lived through the Wars, the idea behind it must have been familiar enough to them. The late Professor Charles Ross quoted a line of verse in the Croyland Chronicle, written in 1486 and referring to Richard III&rsquos murder of the Princes in the Tower: &lsquoAnd, to avenge the White, the Red Rose bloomed.&rsquo As Ross commented, only pedants could reject a name that has been in use for centuries.

Not only have there been many studies of the Wars, but they have inspired a flood of romantic novels. Most of the novelists subscribe to the strange cult of King Richard&rsquos innocence, which has mushroomed during recent years. (The Richard III Society numbers thousands and even has Japanese members.) Yet his short reign is only one episode towards the close of a very long story.

The Wars of the Roses lasted from the first Battle of St Albans in 1455 to the Battle of Stoke in 1487, and were fought to decide which branch of the English royal family should reign &ndash Lancaster or York. Descended from a count of Anjou who had married William the Conqueror&rsquos granddaughter (and taking their name from the &lsquoplant-genet&rsquo or sprig of broom he wore in his helmet) the Plantagenets had ruled England since 1154. The dispute between the family&rsquos two branches stemmed from Henry IV&rsquos usurpation of the throne at the end of the fourteenth century, when he deposed and murdered Richard II to become the first Lancastrian sovereign. He was the son of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who had been the third son of the great Edward III. For a long time Henry&rsquos Lancastrian dynasty seemed firmly established his son Henry V ruled England from 1413 to 1422 and, as we know, led further spectacularly successful invasions of France. When he died young, his one-year-old son, another Henry, became king with general acceptance. Although a cousin, Richard, Duke of York (born in 1411), possessed a claim to the throne which was arguably superior &ndash he descended from Edward III&rsquos fourth son in the male line but from his second son in the female line &ndash no one challenged the Lancastrian succession.

The wars would never have broken out had it not been for Henry VI, who reached his majority in 1436 at the age of fifteen. Even his appearance failed to inspire respect. The only surviving portraits show a pitifully weak and worried face, while he was notorious for his drab clothes and clumsy shoes. As for his character, Pope Pius II described him as &lsquoa man more timorous than a woman, utterly devoid of wit or spirit&rsquo. The son of the hero of Agincourt was the only monarch since the Norman Conquest to be incapable of leading an army in battle. He was easily dominated by his wife and his favourites, with disastrous consequences. Moreover, in his early thirties he began to suffer from fits of insanity.

During Henry&rsquos minority England had been governed by a council with considerable efficiency. The council had included the King&rsquos uncle, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester and his great-uncle Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester &ndash a bastard but legitimized son of John of Gaunt. Across the Channel a third of all France, including Paris, was ruled by another uncle, the Duke of Bedford. For Henry was King of France as well as of England, being crowned in Paris in 1430, even if the vast majority of Frenchmen supported the Valois king. Everything changed for the worse when he began to govern in person.

In 1445 he married the fifteen-year-old Margaret of Anjou, a Valois princess, and adopted a policy of peace. At the start of 1449 the English still held Normandy and Gascony, but by August 1450 they did not hold a foot of Norman soil and by August 1451 not a foot of Gascon an attempt to recover Bordeaux ended in disaster. England had finally lost the Hundred Years&rsquo War.

Much of the blame for the loss of English France lay with Henry&rsquos kinsman Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, who had replaced the Duke of York as the English commander. A &lsquodove&rsquo, unlike York who was very much a &lsquohawk&rsquo, Somerset was a spectacularly incompetent soldier. The explosive rivalry between Somerset and York &ndash made Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to keep him out of the way &ndash began in France. In any case York felt increasingly threatened by the Duke of Somerset, who was bent on extracting as many lucrative offices as possible from the King.

There was trouble at home too. Looking back from the 1460s, an anonymous chronicler wrote of Henry VI&rsquos reign:

The realm of England was out of all good governance, as it had been many days before, for the king was simple and led by covetous counsel and owed more than he was worth. His debts increased daily but payment was there none all the possessions and lordships that pertained to the crown the king had given away, some to lords and some to other lesser persons, so that he had almost nothing left to own. And such impositions as were put on the people, as taxes and taillages, all that came from them was spent in vain, for he had no [great] household nor maintained any wars . . .

The legal system began to break down. Frequently judge and jury were intimidated by archers lounging menacingly at the back of a courtroom. Gang warfare erupted over law suits &ndash generally about land or disputed wills &ndash sometimes escalating into pitched battles, as magnates vied for supremacy. Banditry thrived. A poem from this time laments the premature death of Henry V, who had &lsquokept the law and peace&rsquo throughout England, ensuring good justice. Nowadays, people put on armour instead of going to the courts:

In every shire with jacks and sallets clean
Misrule does rise, and makes the neighbours war,
The weaker goes beneath, as oft is seen.

The king&rsquos lavish patronage of the Duke of Suffolk and other favourites created a greedy court party which battened on him. By 1450 the crown owed £400,000 and was still borrowing, £24,000 being spent on the royal household &ndash out of a total revenue of £24,000.

Popular exasperation came to a head over the loss of France. In January 1450 William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, King Henry&rsquos avaricious first minister, was impeached by Parliament. Sent into exile in May by the King in order to save his life, he was waylaid at sea and executed with a rusty sword &ndash news greeted with applause throughout England.

Jack Cade&rsquos rising during the summer of 1450 was no peasant&rsquos revolt, but an expression of widespread discontent. The rebels demanded that the King dismiss his favourites because &lsquohis lords are lost, his merchandise is lost, his commons destroyed, the sea is lost, France is lost . . .&rsquo They urged him to govern with the advice of princes of the royal blood &ndash notably the Duke of York.

However, Cade&rsquos rising was crushed, while Suffolk&rsquos place was taken by the Duke of Somerset &ndash York&rsquos rival. There was little doubt that the years ahead would be troubled. Even so, no one can have anticipated civil war.

A brief résumé of the events of the next three decades is needed here, since the immediate aims of the combatants were constantly changing. When the first blood was shed in 1455 the issue was who should dominate Henry VI, though both sides were more than ready for violence. On one side was what would become known as the Yorkist party Richard, Duke of York with his brother-in-law Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, and the latter&rsquos son, Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick. On the other side, the Lancastrian, were the ferocious French queen, Margaret of Anjou, and Somerset, with a strong court party. It was vital for York and for Somerset to control the royal purse strings although the greatest landowner in England, the Duke of York faced ruin if he were not repaid the sums he had spent in France as lieutenant-general and in Ireland as lord-lieutenant &ndash by contrast the Duke of Somerset, under-endowed with estates, depended largely on revenue from royal offices. As for the Nevills, father and son were old rivals of the Percy earls of Northumberland who supported the court, while Warwick was in dispute with Somerset over the rich lordship of Glamorgan.

The conflict was transformed into irreconcilable vendetta in 1455 when, after eleven years of childless marriage, Queen Margaret bore Henry a son and York ceased to be heir to the throne. The queen&rsquos troops forced York and the Nevills to flee abroad in 1459. They returned the following year, defeating the Lancastrian army at Northampton after which, driven by a mixture of ambition and self-preservation, the Duke of York browbeat a reluctant House of Lords into recognizing him as Henry VI&rsquos heir &ndash and into disinheriting the infant Prince of Wales. In response Queen Margaret raised an army in the north of England, which defeated and killed York at Wakefield in December 1460.

York&rsquos son, the eighteen-year-old Earl of March, retaliated by occupying London and proclaiming himself King Edward IV early in 1461, after which he marched north to confront and annihilate the Lancastrians at Towton in the most terrible battle of the entire Wars. The new Yorkist king spent the next few years mopping up surviving pockets of Lancastrian resistance, crushing small risings in Yorkshire and Northumberland, a task which he had completed by 1464 with the total rout of the last tiny Lancastrian army at Hexham and the execution of its leaders.

But the Yorkists quarrelled with each other. Partly from resentment at the King&rsquos marriage to Elizabeth Woodville, an arrogant lady with greedy kindred, the Earl of Warwick &ndash &lsquothe Kingmaker&rsquo &ndash plotted implacably to replace him. Outmanoeuvred, Edward fled to Burgundy in 1470 and Warwick brought back Henry VI, who had been a prisoner in the Tower of London.

Henry&rsquos second reign lasted only a few months. Edward IV returned with an army so small that a contemporary called his invasion &lsquocoming in by the windows&rsquo, yet, in two swift, savage campaigns, within a month he had destroyed the Earl of Warwick at Barnet and then the remaining Lancastrians at Tewkesbury both Warwick and the Lancastrian Prince of Wales fell in battle, while the wretched Henry VI was murdered discreetly in the Tower. The prosperous years that followed were the Yorkist golden age.

When King Edward died unexpectedly in 1483, his brother the Duke of Gloucester seized power in two ruthless coups d&rsquoétat. Swiftly deposing Edward&rsquos young son Edward V, who disappeared, he ascended the throne as Richard III. The new king was soon opposed by an alliance of outraged Yorkists and Lancastrian diehards, who found a rival candidate for the throne in Henry Tudor &ndash through his Beaufort mother, the last heir of the Lancastrian dynasty. After an unsuccessful rebellion during the autumn of 1483, and much plotting, they succeeded in defeating and killing Richard at Bosworth Field in August 1485.

Two years later Henry Tudor, now King Henry VII, managed to beat off a final Yorkist challenge at Stoke in another fiercely fought engagement. It was the last real battle of the Wars of the Roses, although there would be Yorkish pretenders and plots until well into the next century.

This synopsis gives little idea of the appalling slaughter involved. In his memoirs Philippe de Commynes &ndash a Burgundian statesman who served Louis XI of France and who had watched from across the Channel &ndash writes of the Wars that &lsquothere have been seven or eight memorable battles in England, and sixty or eighty princes and lords of the blood royal have died violently&rsquo. There were of course other less memorable battles while Commynes exaggerates only a little about the casualties if peers are included in his figures. Three kings, a Prince of Wales and eight royal (or semi-royal) dukes died by battle, murder or sudden death. Edward IV would order his troops to spare common soldiers but to &lsquokill the gentles&rsquo &ndash there was no mercy for defeated leaders or their staffs. During the campaigns of 1460&ndash61 alone twelve noblemen were killed and six beheaded &ndash over a third of the English peerage. Entire noble families were exterminated one Duke of Somerset fell in battle, two were beheaded, and their heir fell at Tewkesbury. The gentry suffered proportionately, though no exact figures are available sixty knights and gentlemen (including twenty-five MPs) were attainted after Towton &ndash one chronicler records the beheading of forty-two Lancastrian knights who had been taken prisoner during the battle.

The rest of Europe watched in amazement, even if the English were then regarded as the most violent and ferocious race in Christendom. &lsquoMen of a haughty disposition, hot tempered and quickly moved to anger, difficult to pacify and bring to reason&rsquo was how the French chronicler Froissart had described the English at the beginning of the fifteenth century. &lsquoThey take delight in battles and slaughters.&rsquo Commynes too thought the English exceptionally &lsquocholeric&rsquo (savage-tempered), especially those who had never been out of England.

Sudden death was not confined to the battlefield. A courtier could all too easily find himself on the scaffold. In a now-unfashionable book, The Waning of the Middle Ages, 2 the Dutch historian Johan Huizinga writes of &lsquothat hell of hatred and persecution which was the English court&rsquo. He quotes the Flemish herald and chronicler Georges Chastellain, who had visited the English court and may well have had it in mind when telling his readers that &lsquoprinces are men, and their affairs are high and perilous, and their natures are subject to many passions, such as hatred and envy&rsquo. In a will made a few days after the battle of Bosworth, the Yorkist Lord Mountjoy warned his sons &lsquoto live right wisely and never to take the state of baron upon them if they may lay it from them, nor to desire to be about princes, for it is dangerous&rsquo. 3

Commynes says with justice that &lsquothe calamities and misfortunes of war fell only upon the soldiers, and especially upon the nobility&rsquo. The latter faced not just death in battle but, if they were on the losing side, the possibility of attainder. An attainder was an Act of Parliament, which only needed token approval by the House of Commons and the King&rsquos acceptance the victim was condemned to be hanged, drawn and quartered while all his goods were confiscated and his heirs disinherited in perpetuity. It has been described as the legal death of a family.

Again and again, magnates and gentry were forced to choose sides &ndash a nightmarish choice with very high stakes indeed. The former could not avoid taking part. They were too prominent politically and socially, while their &lsquoaffinities&rsquo or retinues amounted to private armies which were needed desperately by both sides. Out of 70 adult peers during this period, over 50 are known to have fought in battles they had to win if they wanted to stay alive. Holding office in a magnate&rsquos household or dependent on his influence, few English gentlemen had any option other than to fight for him.

The Wars shocked the gentry at the time, and not merely in retrospect. They saw them as a calamity that affected all their class. An unidentified government spokesman told the House of Commons in 1475 that &lsquonone [of us] hath escaped&rsquo, and clearly he was expressing a general opinion. The Duke of Buckingham claimed in a speech of 1483 that war was never &lsquoin none earthly nation so deadly and so pestilent as when it happeneth among us . . . nor so cruel and so deadly foughten&rsquo. The Duke added that during Edward IV&rsquos reign alone &lsquothe getting of the garland, keeping it, losing and winning again, it hath cost more English blood than hath twice the winning of France&rsquo. In other words, more Englishmen had been killed during Edward&rsquos struggle for the Crown than during the entire Hundred Years&rsquo War.

In many English churches one still finds brasses of long-haired knights and squires in fluted plate armour, with those of wasp-waisted wives in butterfly hats. Brief inscriptions, asking us to pray for their souls, tell us that they lived during these years but not much else. We know that they inhabited an England that was often a place of great beauty as well as cruelty, full of brilliant colour, that of Malory&rsquos Morte d&rsquoArthur and the &lsquoBallad of the Nut Brown Maid&rsquo, of fan-vaulted cathedrals and the polyphony of composers like John Dunstable. Yet, as we can see from the Morte d&rsquoArthur, its inhabitants&rsquo mentality was immeasurably remote from our own, with fantastic values derived from chivalry and a ritualized code of courtly love. For us, Malory&rsquos knight errants, magicians and hermits, his enchantresses and damsels, come from an alien world &ndash for the subjects of Edward IV or Richard III it was the ideal dream world, in which they felt completely at home. No doubt the Nut Brown Maid had a lyrical approach to love between the sexes:

For I must to the greenwood go,

Make you ready, for so am I,

For in my mind of all mankind

But cheerful romanticism of this sort was a rare enough phenomenon in the fifteenth century.

If we knew more about the men and women of Lancastrian or Yorkist England, we should think them rather gloomy people. Melancholy was much in fashion. &lsquoI, man of sadness, born in an eclipse of darkness amid fogs of lamentation&rsquo, wrote Chastellain, emphasizing their pessimism. They were obsessed by death and the fleeting quality of life, an obsession to some extent understandable in a world frequently afflicted by plague or famine, where banditry, armed robbery, housebreaking and murder were commonplace, in which old age began at fifty. o memento mori, the reminder of death, was very popular. At Arundel the tomb of the seventh Earl of Arundel (who fell in battle against the French in 1435) has two effigies above, he is in full armour with his helmet below, he is a skeleton in a shroud.

The population numbered no more than three million at most. At the top of the social pile were a group of between fifty and sixty magnates, the peers or lords of Parliament, great landowners whose incomes might be in excess of £1,000 a year &ndash a vast fortune. Below them came the richer knights, about 200 men with incomes of more than £100 then perhaps as many as a thousand lesser knights with over £40 and then at least 1,200 squires with over £20. Another 2,000 gentlemen had rather less. 4 According to Chief Justice Fortescue, thousands of yeomen (the more prosperous smallholders and tenant-farmers) lived well on £5 a year. While it is impossible to estimate the number of merchants, we know that a few were wealthier than the richest knights, who nonetheless looked down on them as tradesmen.

Since the population was so much smaller, the landscape was very different from today&rsquos, with much more forest, moor and heath &ndash together with abandoned villages, especially in the Midlands, a legacy of the Black Death. In some areas, however, land was farmed very carefully. In 1466 a Bohemian party travelling through the south-east noted that &lsquopeasants dig ditches round their fields and so fence them in that no one can pass on foot or on horseback except by the main roads&rsquo. 5 Towns were surrounded by small farms and allotments reaching to the town walls. There were comparatively few manor houses &ndash in certain regions, such as the West Midlands, barely one village in ten had a resident squire. Frequently manors were moated, as were many farms, to protect livestock, and had ponds which provided fresh fish during Lent &ndash a welcome alternative to salt-herring. Great houses often possessed deer parks to ensure a reliable supply of venison.

Towns and villages alike swarmed with beggars. Their numbers were swollen by refugees from Normandy and Maine after the fall of English France, former settlers who included churchmen, gentlemen and soldiers. Still more were on the road because of &lsquoenclosures&rsquo, which increased during the 1450s landowners were converting arable ploughland into pasture for sheep, callously evicting villagers and pulling down their cottages: &lsquoThey must needs depart away, poor, silly, wretched souls, men, women, husbands, wives, fatherless children, widows, woeful mothers with their young babes, and their whole household small in substance and much in number&rsquo is Sir Thomas More&rsquos pitiful description in utopia. &lsquoAway they trudge, I say, out of their known and accustomed houses, finding no place to rest in.&rsquo

Corpses were a common enough sight by the roadside. A wet summer meant a bad harvest, with famine and starvation during the next year. Epidemics followed &ndash bubonic or pneumonic plague. There were serious visitations in 1464, 1471, 1479 and 1485, with minor outbreaks in other years. The &lsquosweating sickness&rsquo was particularly vicious, sometimes killing its victims within two hours its drenching sweat was accompanied by high fever, stomach pains, savage headache and dizziness, with occasionally a rash of black spots &ndash and always a feeling of foreboding.

&lsquoThe population of this island does not appear to me to bear any relation to her fertility and riches&rsquo, commented a Venetian at the end of the century. He says there was no English innkeeper, however humble, who did not lay his table with silver dishes and drinking cups, that English abbeys were more like baronial palaces than monasteries. He thought the people strikingly handsome, both men and women, and extremely polite. &lsquoIn addition to their civil speeches, they have the incredible courtesy of remaining with their heads uncovered, with an admirable grace, whilst they talk to each other.&rsquo (Commynes records that when Edward IV met Louis XI in 1475 the English king &lsquoraised his hat and bowed to within six inches of the ground&rsquo.) Even so, the Venetian did not care for his hosts, whom he found extraordinarily cold. He never observed any one of them, &lsquoeither at court or among the lower orders&rsquo, to be in love. He also remarked on their suspicion of foreigners, while &lsquoneither have they any sincere and solid friendship amongst themselves, insomuch that they do not trust each other to discuss either public or private affairs.&rsquo

Another fifteenth-century Italian visitor, Domenico Mancini from Rome, commented on the Englishmen&rsquos powerful physique &ndash &lsquotheir bodies are stronger than other peoples&rsquo, for they seem to have hands and arms of iron.&rsquo

The Venetian was horrified by the lawlessness. He thought there was no country in the world with so many thieves and robbers as England &ndash &lsquofew venture to go alone in the countryside except in the middle of the day, and fewer still in the towns at night and least of all in London.&rsquo 6 He adds that &lsquopeople are taken up every day by dozens like birds in a covey, and especially in London, yet for all this they never cease to rob and murder in the streets.&rsquo This was written in the 1490s.

Life had been still more hazardous during Henry VI&rsquos reign and the early years of Edward IV&rsquos. In 1458 Margaret Paston wrote to her husband from Norfolk asking him to buy crossbows to protect their house whose windows were too low for longbow shooting she also suggested buying poleaxes. The two heiresses of Wakehurst Place in Sussex omitted to take Mrs Paston&rsquos precautions and one day in 1463 two fortune hunters, the brothers Nicholas and Richard Culpeper, arrived at their house &lsquowith force and arms, riotously against the king&rsquos peace, arrayed in manner of war&rsquo &ndash in full armour. They abducted the girls, dragging them off to London where they married them, despite &lsquothe said Margaret and Elizabeth at the time of their taking away making great and piteous lamentation and weeping&rsquo. 7

For the workers in the fields who made up the bulk of the population &ndash labourers, ploughmen, oxmen and shepherds, toiling for £3 a year if they were lucky &ndash it was a time of mixed fortunes. Recurrent outbreaks of plague in the previous century had reduced the labour force, raising wages, but though serfdom was disappearing landowners were charging high rents for even the smallest farm. Much to Commynes&rsquo surprise, humble folk were left in peace by the Wars. &lsquoEngland enjoyed this peculiar mercy above all other kingdoms, that neither the country nor the people, nor the houses, were wasted or destroyed&rsquo, he comments. One reason was that hostilities amounted to a mere thirteen weeks of localized campaigning over a period of more than thirty years.

Cities and towns were almost unaffected by the Wars. There were no sieges, though more than once London was threatened by an army at its gates. Some citizens fought in the battles as men-at-arms or archers, while in London the richer lent money to both sides and aldermen squabbled over whom to support &ndash since the greater London merchants were very close to the throne.

This book is an attempt to evoke the world of the Wars of the Roses, showing how they affected those who lived through them. I have built the book around the careers of men and women whose lives they spanned. Two at least saw the court of Henry VI and Margaret of Anjou, and survived to see that of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon. I have used contemporary sources as much as possible, particularly the &lsquohistories&rsquo by Domenico Mancini, Polydore Vergil and Sir Thomas More &ndash they had all spoken with men who actually fought in the Wars of the Roses, and who remembered vividly the Lancastrian and Yorkist kings. To a certain extent the structure of my book has been inspired by Barbara Tuchman&rsquos A Distant Mirror, but instead of a single shadowy figure I have used five reasonably well-documented personalities.


Now welcome, somer, with they sonne softe,
That hast this wintres wedres overshake,
And driven away the longe nyghtes blake!
Chaucer &ndash excerpt from The Parliament of Birds

Geoffrey Chaucer (1343 &ndash 1400) wrote The Canterbury Tales, and was the greatest English poet before Shakespeare. He legitimized the literary use of English vernacular at a time when the dominant literary languages in England were French and Latin. As a result, Chaucer is widely regarded as The Father of the English Language. His works were highly eclectic, with topics running the gamut from fart jokes to spiritual union with God. However, his writings consistently reflected a pervasive humor, even when they explored serious philosophical questions.

Chaucer was born into a wealthy family, and attended school at Saint Paul&rsquos cathedral, where he was influenced by the writings of Virgil and Ovid. His father secured him a position as a royal page &ndash a stepping stone to knighthood and future advancement. In his teens, Chaucer took part in the opening of the Hundred Years&rsquo War, was captured, and ransomed by the king for a considerable sum. As an adult, he pursued a career as a courtier, civil servant, and diplomat.

Chaucer&rsquos first major poem, written in the early 1370s, was The Book of the Duchess, an elegy to the deceased wife of John of Gaunt, son of king Edward III and father of future king Henry IV. It earned Chaucer a comfortable annuity from the powerful widower. Most of his major accomplishments were penned between 1374 and 1386, when he was comptroller of London. It was a job that afforded him plenty of free time, in which he wrote major works such as Parliament of Birds e A lenda das boas mulheres. It was during this period that he began his signature work, The Canterbury Tales.

Chaucer became the towering literary figure of his day, and after his death in 1400, he was the first to be buried at what would eventually become known as &ldquoPoets&rsquo Corner&rdquo in Westminster Abbey. There, English literary luminaries such as Robert Browning, Charles Dickens, Rudyard Kipling, and Thomas Hardy joined him over the succeeding centuries.


How did it Begin?

Both houses could trace their lineage to the sons of Edward III who was king until 1377. It is a complex family tree to say the least but it basically meant that both houses could stake a legitimate claim to the throne. That being said, the House of York had a much stronger claim. Although the War of the Roses didn&rsquot start until 1455, it could be argued that the events of 1399 paved the way.

In this year, King Richard II was usurped by Henry Bolingbroke, the Duke of Lancaster who was to become Henry IV. Henry was Richard&rsquos cousin and returned from exile to take the crown. It is likely that Richard died in captivity the following year. Henry was succeeded by his son, Henry V who died in 1422. His heir was Henry VI who was an infant and Richard, Duke of York, could challenge the Lancastrian right to the throne as the Yorkist had a much stronger claim. I hope this is somewhat clear!

Instead, York became Lieutenant in France in 1436 where he was charged with dealing with England&rsquos main enemy at that time. Henry VI&rsquos conquests in France were unsustainable in their existing form he either needed further conquests to force the French to become subordinates or give up territory to gain a negotiated settlement so the house of cards was always destined to fall. For his part, York had to pay money out of his own pocket to continue the campaign in France. He did this willingly but was outraged when he replaced as Lieutenant in France by Edmund Beaufort, the Duke of Somerset.

Things began to unravel for the English in France and York blamed Somerset for the collapse including the losses of Gascony and Bordeaux in 1451. He decided to arrest Somerset. While York did this partly because of Somerset&rsquos dismal efforts in France, he was more concerned with the fact that Somerset could replace him as Henry VI&rsquos heir. At that time, Henry had no children (his son Edward, Prince of Wales wasn&rsquot born until 1453) so York made a play to become recognised as the rightful heir. In 1452, he marched to London only to find the city gates barred. At Dartford, York was forced to come to an agreement with Henry as his army was outnumbered. The king proceeded to punish those who had sided with York at Dartford.

In 1453, English forces were driven from France after defeat at the Battle of Castillon. Henry had a mental breakdown at this point and though the cause was unknown, the loss of France was perhaps a factor. He was unable to speak and completely unresponsive and in 1454, York was named Protector of the Realm. A number of disputes occurred between the most powerful lords in England and York used his authority to help his family and friends while placing Somerset in prison.

However, Henry VI regained his senses either in late December 1454 or early January 1455 and released Somerset from captivity. York lost the Captaincy of Calais and his title of Protector soon after. He was infuriated and gathered his forces and open fighting was to begin in May 1455


5 Myths about the Wars of the Roses

In a sense, the Wars of the Roses began with the usurpation of the throne by Henry Bolingbroke in 1399. Lancastrian legitimacy was always actively contested, except perhaps for a brief period during the reign of Henry V (1413-1422).

2. England was at war for 30 years

The Wars were not a unified conflict lasting three decades, but rather a series of short campaigns or miniwars separated by years of peace. There were three major eruptions of sustained violence: 1455-1464, 1469-1471, and 1483-1487.

3. Richard III was a baddie

Richard III was cast as the villain in Tudor propaganda, most obviously in Shakespeare’s portrayal, but his monarchy was in the forwardlooking Yorkist mould, and his more ruthless actions were dictated by the political exigencies of the time.

4. The Wars were fought between Yorkshire and Lancashire

The division of the country did not correspond to the names of the opposing factions. The Lancastrians were powerful in the north and west, the Yorkists in London, the Midlands, and the south. To some degree, the division more closely mirrored that of the Civil War of 1642-1646.

5. ‘The Wars of the Roses’

Calling the succession of 15th-century dynastic conflicts ‘the Wars of the Roses’ was an invention of Sir Walter Scott in the 19th century, and Shakespeare is responsible for the roses: in Henry VI, rival nobles pick red and white roses. The Yorkists did use the white rose, but as one of many badges, and the Lancastrians did not use a red rose at all until very late on.


Battle of Barnet

Nossos editores irão revisar o que você enviou e determinar se o artigo deve ser revisado.

Battle of Barnet, (April 14, 1471), in the English Wars of the Roses, a momentous victory for the Yorkist king Edward IV over his Lancastrian opponents, the adherents of Henry VI. It was fought around Hadley Green, now in East Barnet, just north of London, on Easter Day. Edward, in power since 1461, had in 1470 been driven into exile when his main supporter, Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, changed sides and restored Henry VI. Returning to England in March 1471, Edward seized London and the person of Henry VI and then moved north to meet Warwick’s advance from Coventry. Warwick chose his positions on April 13. Edward, with his brother the Duke of Gloucester (afterward King Richard III), arrived later, spent the night close to the enemy, and attacked at dawn. Although Edward’s left flank was routed, his right and his centre were victorious. Warwick, who had fought on foot to avert suspicion that he would desert his men, was killed while fleeing. The defeat a month later of an army led by Henry VI’s queen, Margaret of Anjou, and their son at the Battle of Tewkesbury and Henry’s death in captivity left Edward secure until his own death in 1483.


Assista o vídeo: La Guerra de las Rosas cap 066


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